For decades, the country of South Africa was the focus of an international
rallying cry against the injustices of apartheid. On June 17, 1991, South
Africa’s Parliament abolished the legal framework for the
practice of racial persecution. In 1994, Nelson Mandela and his Marxist African
National Congress (ANC) assumed the reins of power. The international community
looked away, satisfied that justice had prevailed. They continue to look away,
even as South Africa has degenerated into another racist pit, best described by an Afrikaner farm owner: “It’s
politically correct to kill whites these days.”
In July of 2012, Dr. Gregory Stanton, head of the nonprofit group
Genocide Watch, conducted a fact-finding mission in South
Africa. He concluded that there is a coordinated campaign of genocide being
conducted against white farmers, known as Boers. “The farm murders, we have
become convinced, are not accidental,” Stanton contended. “It was very clear
that the massacres were not common crimes,” he added — especially because of the
absolute barbarity used against the victims. “We don’t know exactly who is
planning them yet, but what we are calling for is an international
investigation,” he added.
The number of farm murders, or “plaasmoorde” as it is called in
Afrikaans, is staggering. Over the last decade, it is estimated that at
least 3000 Boers have been killed. Estimating the number of murders is necessary
because the ANC has banned crime statistics from being compiled,
claiming they scare off foreign investment. Moreover, the world knows little
about the savagery that accompanies those killings. Many victims, including
women and infant children, are raped or tortured before they are killed. Some
have boiling water poured down their throats, some are burned with hot pokers,
and some are hacked to death with machetes, or disemboweled. Several others have
been tied to their own cars and dragged for miles.
The ANC, whose leader Jacob Zuma was reelected with over 75 per cent of the
total voting delegates at the ANC National Conference held in Bloemfontein last
December, denies that genocide is occurring, insisting that such attacks are
part of the larger crime problem. Yet a report filed by the South African
Institute of Race Relations notes that while crime has ostensibly declined
between 1994 and 2011, “substantial numbers” of police stations have manipulated
their crime statistics. The report sub-headline underscores the corrupt nature
of crime statistics in the country: “Is this a true reflection of the crime
statistics in South Africa? Who knows!” it states.
What is known is that the ANC celebrated in 100th year anniversary with a
song led by President Zuma himself. “Dubula iBhunu” or “Shoot the Boer” was a
line in the lyrics of an apartheid-era song, “Ayesaba Amagwala” (“the
cowards are scared”) that violates the South Africa constitution prohibiting
the “advocacy of hatred that is based on race … and that constitutes
incitement to cause harm.” Yet Zuma apparently felt no compunction to
refrain from singing it, because the ANC considers it an integral part of the
anti-apartheid movement that is part of their heritage.
In 2010, Julius Malema, then leader of the ANC Youth League, revived the
practice of singing the song after many years. After the South Africa High Court
ruled it was hate speech, the ANC appealed. Last October, the ANC and AfriForum, a
lobby group that wanted the song banned from public performance, reached an out-of-court settlement.
Dr. Stanton concluded that Malema’s revival of a song advocating murder moved
South Africa from the fifth stage on his genocidal scale to stage six. When the South
African judiciary ruled it to be unlawful hate speech, Genocide Watch put
South Africa back at stage five. When President Zuma was caught on tape January 2012 singing, “We are going to
shoot them with the machine gun, they are going to run/You are a Boer, we are
going to hit them, and you are going to run/shoot the Boer…” South Africa
was raised to stage six once again.
Stage six is known as Preparation: “Victims are identified and separated out
because of their ethnic or religious identity. Death lists are drawn up. Members
of victim groups are forced to wear identifying symbols. Their property is
expropriated. They are often segregated into ghettoes, deported into
concentration camps, or confined to a famine-struck region and starved.”
The sixth stage is followed by stage seven: Extermination.
In December, more than 200 protesters of the Afrikaner civil rights
group AfriForum, which included families of murdered farmers and survivors
of farm attacks, marched in the capital city of Pretoria.
They were commemorating the second anniversary of the murders of farm
caretaker Attie Potgieter and his family. Potgieter was stabbed and hacked
151 times with a knife, a fork, and a machete, while his wife and two-year-old
daughter were forced to watch. They were then executed with shots to the
head. ”If you kill a rhinoceros in South Africa, you get more time in jail
then if you kill a person,” said Susan Nortje, 26, Mrs. Potgieter’s younger
sister. “I don’t think people understand. We must show people what’s really
happening.”
The group is calling for attacks on South Africa’s mostly white farmers to be
designated a crime of national priority. They delivered a memorandum to the
country’s police minister, Nathi Mthethwa, urging him to give the murder of
farmers the same level of urgency aimed at rhinoceros poachers and copper cable
thieves. Mthethwa was not present at the time, but police spokesman Zweli
Mnisi accused the protesters of “grandstanding.” “They are only representing
people based on their color,” he contended. “For us, racializing crime is
problematic. You can’t have a separate category that says, farmers are the
special golden boys and girls. You end up saying the life of a white person
is more important. You cannot do this,” he added.
Yet according to Johan Burger, a senior researcher with the
Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies’ crime and justice program, white
farmers’ concerns are legitimately “special.” He reveals that it is now
twice as dangerous to be a farmer in South Africa than a police officer. The
overall murder rate in the nation is 31.9 per 100,000 people, 30 times that
of Great Britain. For police it’s 51 out of 100,000. For farmers, who are
overwhelmingly white, the rate soars to 99 out 100,000. Burger rejects the
notion that such a rate constitutes genocide–even as he concedes that
many murderers ”take out their hatred for all those past wrongs, and show
who’s in control now.”
Like so many societies where demonstrating who’s in control becomes a
necessity, disarming the population becomes a priority. In 2010, the ANC-led
regime changed the Firearms Registration Act,
demanding that all legal guns be re-registered by July 31, 2011. In the process
of re-registration, more than half the applicants were turned down, and 90
percent were turned down again on appeal. Thus, white farm families were forced
to relinquish their last line of defense against the tens of thousands of
criminal gangs roaming the countryside–armed with AK47s. and as Genocide
Watch noted on its website last July one more step
was taken as well. “The government has disbanded the commando units of
white farmers that once protected their farms, and has passed laws to confiscate
the farmers’ weapons,” it reported. “Disarmament of a targeted group is one of
the surest early warning signs of future genocidal killings.”
There is also a movement, much like the one that occurred in Zimbabwe, to
confiscate white farmers’ land. Julius Malema led the charge, saying all whites are
criminals, and that his ANC Youth League members were going to take all the
land back without compensation, unless farmers relinquish 80 percent of it. At
a conference in 2011, Malema reiterated his
plans, contending that the nation’s ”willing buyer, willing seller”
program, aimed at redistributing 30 percent of white-owned land to blacks
within the first five years of the country’s democracy (a deadline later shifted
to 2014, and then to 2025), wasn’t working. ”You can never be diplomatic
about willing-buyer, willing-seller. It has failed. You have not come with an
alternative,” said Mr. Malema at the time. “We are giving you an alternative; we
must take the land without payment.”
That is a recipe for famine, as revealed by Rural Development and Land
Reform Minister Gugile Nkwinti. In 2009, he told Parliament that more than half
of the farms purchased for black farmers, at a cost of $891
million in government outlays, had either failed or were “declining.”
Yet ANC president Zuma remains undeterred. “The structure of
the apartheid economy has remained largely intact,” Mr. Zuma said, in a speech
given June 26, 2012 to thousands of delegates at ANC’s policy conference, held
every five years, where the party’s pre-presidential election platform is
discussed. “The ownership of the economy is still primarily in the hands of
white males, as it has always been.”
Embedded in that platform is the idea that making peace with white South
Africans following the end of apartheid has “hampered” the transfer of wealth to
black South Africans. Thus, a “second transition,” was proposed, which even the
see-no-progressive-evil New York Times was forced to concede represents
a ”sharp leftward shift for the A.N.C., which despite its roots has largely
backed a free-market economy with minimal state intervention.”
Stanton sees a bigger picture. In a speech in Pretoria, organized by
the Transvaal Agricultural Union, Stanton claimed the ANC was demonizing
white farmers, who have been in South Africa since the 1600s, by calling them
“settlers.” A Genocide Watch reports reveals the strategy behind those
efforts. “High-ranking ANC government officials who continuously refer to
Whites as ‘settlers’ and ‘colonialists of a special type’ are using racial
epithets in a campaign of state-sponsored dehumanization of the White population
as a whole,” it stated. “They sanction gang-organized hate crimes against
Whites, with the goal of terrorizing Whites through fear of genocidal
annihilation.”
ANC President Jacob Zuma continues to fan the flames of racial division. Last
December, he admonished black South Africans for being
dog owners, saying that doing so amounts to copying white culture. Zuma’s
office contended the message was aimed at ”the need to decolonize the
African mind post-liberation.”
It is a post-liberation effort that remains alarmingly on track to emulate
all the other historically blood-soaked efforts by Marxists, who invariably need
an enemy at whom to direct their anger. White African farmers are that
enemy. Pieter Mulder, leader of political party FF Plus and South Africa’s
deputy agriculture minister, who was focused on the excesses of Julius Malema a
year and a half ago, nevertheless offered an inadvertently prescient statement
about his country’s future. After noting that Malema and his ilk were attempting
to take the country “back to the period before 1994 when violence and even the
possibility of a civil war was part of the South African debate” he revealed why
such forces remain seemingly unstoppable. ”We don’t have a Mandela that
stands up and says: ‘This is wrong,’” he warned.
rallying cry against the injustices of apartheid. On June 17, 1991, South
Africa’s Parliament abolished the legal framework for the
practice of racial persecution. In 1994, Nelson Mandela and his Marxist African
National Congress (ANC) assumed the reins of power. The international community
looked away, satisfied that justice had prevailed. They continue to look away,
even as South Africa has degenerated into another racist pit, best described by an Afrikaner farm owner: “It’s
politically correct to kill whites these days.”
In July of 2012, Dr. Gregory Stanton, head of the nonprofit group
Genocide Watch, conducted a fact-finding mission in South
Africa. He concluded that there is a coordinated campaign of genocide being
conducted against white farmers, known as Boers. “The farm murders, we have
become convinced, are not accidental,” Stanton contended. “It was very clear
that the massacres were not common crimes,” he added — especially because of the
absolute barbarity used against the victims. “We don’t know exactly who is
planning them yet, but what we are calling for is an international
investigation,” he added.
The number of farm murders, or “plaasmoorde” as it is called in
Afrikaans, is staggering. Over the last decade, it is estimated that at
least 3000 Boers have been killed. Estimating the number of murders is necessary
because the ANC has banned crime statistics from being compiled,
claiming they scare off foreign investment. Moreover, the world knows little
about the savagery that accompanies those killings. Many victims, including
women and infant children, are raped or tortured before they are killed. Some
have boiling water poured down their throats, some are burned with hot pokers,
and some are hacked to death with machetes, or disemboweled. Several others have
been tied to their own cars and dragged for miles.
The ANC, whose leader Jacob Zuma was reelected with over 75 per cent of the
total voting delegates at the ANC National Conference held in Bloemfontein last
December, denies that genocide is occurring, insisting that such attacks are
part of the larger crime problem. Yet a report filed by the South African
Institute of Race Relations notes that while crime has ostensibly declined
between 1994 and 2011, “substantial numbers” of police stations have manipulated
their crime statistics. The report sub-headline underscores the corrupt nature
of crime statistics in the country: “Is this a true reflection of the crime
statistics in South Africa? Who knows!” it states.
What is known is that the ANC celebrated in 100th year anniversary with a
song led by President Zuma himself. “Dubula iBhunu” or “Shoot the Boer” was a
line in the lyrics of an apartheid-era song, “Ayesaba Amagwala” (“the
cowards are scared”) that violates the South Africa constitution prohibiting
the “advocacy of hatred that is based on race … and that constitutes
incitement to cause harm.” Yet Zuma apparently felt no compunction to
refrain from singing it, because the ANC considers it an integral part of the
anti-apartheid movement that is part of their heritage.
In 2010, Julius Malema, then leader of the ANC Youth League, revived the
practice of singing the song after many years. After the South Africa High Court
ruled it was hate speech, the ANC appealed. Last October, the ANC and AfriForum, a
lobby group that wanted the song banned from public performance, reached an out-of-court settlement.
Dr. Stanton concluded that Malema’s revival of a song advocating murder moved
South Africa from the fifth stage on his genocidal scale to stage six. When the South
African judiciary ruled it to be unlawful hate speech, Genocide Watch put
South Africa back at stage five. When President Zuma was caught on tape January 2012 singing, “We are going to
shoot them with the machine gun, they are going to run/You are a Boer, we are
going to hit them, and you are going to run/shoot the Boer…” South Africa
was raised to stage six once again.
Stage six is known as Preparation: “Victims are identified and separated out
because of their ethnic or religious identity. Death lists are drawn up. Members
of victim groups are forced to wear identifying symbols. Their property is
expropriated. They are often segregated into ghettoes, deported into
concentration camps, or confined to a famine-struck region and starved.”
The sixth stage is followed by stage seven: Extermination.
In December, more than 200 protesters of the Afrikaner civil rights
group AfriForum, which included families of murdered farmers and survivors
of farm attacks, marched in the capital city of Pretoria.
They were commemorating the second anniversary of the murders of farm
caretaker Attie Potgieter and his family. Potgieter was stabbed and hacked
151 times with a knife, a fork, and a machete, while his wife and two-year-old
daughter were forced to watch. They were then executed with shots to the
head. ”If you kill a rhinoceros in South Africa, you get more time in jail
then if you kill a person,” said Susan Nortje, 26, Mrs. Potgieter’s younger
sister. “I don’t think people understand. We must show people what’s really
happening.”
The group is calling for attacks on South Africa’s mostly white farmers to be
designated a crime of national priority. They delivered a memorandum to the
country’s police minister, Nathi Mthethwa, urging him to give the murder of
farmers the same level of urgency aimed at rhinoceros poachers and copper cable
thieves. Mthethwa was not present at the time, but police spokesman Zweli
Mnisi accused the protesters of “grandstanding.” “They are only representing
people based on their color,” he contended. “For us, racializing crime is
problematic. You can’t have a separate category that says, farmers are the
special golden boys and girls. You end up saying the life of a white person
is more important. You cannot do this,” he added.
Yet according to Johan Burger, a senior researcher with the
Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies’ crime and justice program, white
farmers’ concerns are legitimately “special.” He reveals that it is now
twice as dangerous to be a farmer in South Africa than a police officer. The
overall murder rate in the nation is 31.9 per 100,000 people, 30 times that
of Great Britain. For police it’s 51 out of 100,000. For farmers, who are
overwhelmingly white, the rate soars to 99 out 100,000. Burger rejects the
notion that such a rate constitutes genocide–even as he concedes that
many murderers ”take out their hatred for all those past wrongs, and show
who’s in control now.”
Like so many societies where demonstrating who’s in control becomes a
necessity, disarming the population becomes a priority. In 2010, the ANC-led
regime changed the Firearms Registration Act,
demanding that all legal guns be re-registered by July 31, 2011. In the process
of re-registration, more than half the applicants were turned down, and 90
percent were turned down again on appeal. Thus, white farm families were forced
to relinquish their last line of defense against the tens of thousands of
criminal gangs roaming the countryside–armed with AK47s. and as Genocide
Watch noted on its website last July one more step
was taken as well. “The government has disbanded the commando units of
white farmers that once protected their farms, and has passed laws to confiscate
the farmers’ weapons,” it reported. “Disarmament of a targeted group is one of
the surest early warning signs of future genocidal killings.”
There is also a movement, much like the one that occurred in Zimbabwe, to
confiscate white farmers’ land. Julius Malema led the charge, saying all whites are
criminals, and that his ANC Youth League members were going to take all the
land back without compensation, unless farmers relinquish 80 percent of it. At
a conference in 2011, Malema reiterated his
plans, contending that the nation’s ”willing buyer, willing seller”
program, aimed at redistributing 30 percent of white-owned land to blacks
within the first five years of the country’s democracy (a deadline later shifted
to 2014, and then to 2025), wasn’t working. ”You can never be diplomatic
about willing-buyer, willing-seller. It has failed. You have not come with an
alternative,” said Mr. Malema at the time. “We are giving you an alternative; we
must take the land without payment.”
That is a recipe for famine, as revealed by Rural Development and Land
Reform Minister Gugile Nkwinti. In 2009, he told Parliament that more than half
of the farms purchased for black farmers, at a cost of $891
million in government outlays, had either failed or were “declining.”
Yet ANC president Zuma remains undeterred. “The structure of
the apartheid economy has remained largely intact,” Mr. Zuma said, in a speech
given June 26, 2012 to thousands of delegates at ANC’s policy conference, held
every five years, where the party’s pre-presidential election platform is
discussed. “The ownership of the economy is still primarily in the hands of
white males, as it has always been.”
Embedded in that platform is the idea that making peace with white South
Africans following the end of apartheid has “hampered” the transfer of wealth to
black South Africans. Thus, a “second transition,” was proposed, which even the
see-no-progressive-evil New York Times was forced to concede represents
a ”sharp leftward shift for the A.N.C., which despite its roots has largely
backed a free-market economy with minimal state intervention.”
Stanton sees a bigger picture. In a speech in Pretoria, organized by
the Transvaal Agricultural Union, Stanton claimed the ANC was demonizing
white farmers, who have been in South Africa since the 1600s, by calling them
“settlers.” A Genocide Watch reports reveals the strategy behind those
efforts. “High-ranking ANC government officials who continuously refer to
Whites as ‘settlers’ and ‘colonialists of a special type’ are using racial
epithets in a campaign of state-sponsored dehumanization of the White population
as a whole,” it stated. “They sanction gang-organized hate crimes against
Whites, with the goal of terrorizing Whites through fear of genocidal
annihilation.”
ANC President Jacob Zuma continues to fan the flames of racial division. Last
December, he admonished black South Africans for being
dog owners, saying that doing so amounts to copying white culture. Zuma’s
office contended the message was aimed at ”the need to decolonize the
African mind post-liberation.”
It is a post-liberation effort that remains alarmingly on track to emulate
all the other historically blood-soaked efforts by Marxists, who invariably need
an enemy at whom to direct their anger. White African farmers are that
enemy. Pieter Mulder, leader of political party FF Plus and South Africa’s
deputy agriculture minister, who was focused on the excesses of Julius Malema a
year and a half ago, nevertheless offered an inadvertently prescient statement
about his country’s future. After noting that Malema and his ilk were attempting
to take the country “back to the period before 1994 when violence and even the
possibility of a civil war was part of the South African debate” he revealed why
such forces remain seemingly unstoppable. ”We don’t have a Mandela that
stands up and says: ‘This is wrong,’” he warned.